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On Communism:Page55

in Esperanto

Chapter 9: THE PROCESS OF THE UNARMED REVOLUTION

3. Establish a revolutionary system.

3.1. Lift of the counter-power situation

After establishing the counter-power situation between the revolutionary Commons' Convention and the existing government, the period until that situation is lifted and a full-fledged revolutionary system is established is the climax of the revolutionary process.

Since a revolution based on collective non-voting is essentially an unarmed revolution, we should first achieve a peaceful transfer of power through negotiations with the remaining old regime. It would be effective to organize street demonstrations to put pressure on the old regime; in fact, without such an expression of the will of the people, the old regime might not accept the Commons' Convention as a negotiating partner.

At this point, the old regime may try to mobilize the police and military to crush the revolutionary process. If that happens, a situation similar to a popular uprising-type revolution will arise. I don't want that to happen, but if such a situation were to arise, it would not be a good idea to antagonize the police or military. This is because, as long as it is an unarmed revolution, there is no power to directly oppose the overwhelming physical power of the police and military.

Therefore, even if the old regime refuses to hand over power at all, the method of seizing power through direct use of force should not be adopted. Rather, in order to prevent the old regime from effectively mobilizing the police and military, it is desirable to infiltrate the middle ranks of the police and military during the revolutionary movement, and to work together to establish a revolutionary system in the final stage of the revolution.

By the way, in the case of a revolution due to the voluntary dissolution of the Communist Party, it should be possible to skip all of the troublesome processes described above, but if the Communist Party strongly resists voluntary dissolution, it would be necessary to go through the above process.  


3.2. Transitional concentration system

When the revolutionary system is successfully established, the structure of the Commons' Convention will also emerge from its chrysalis state. First, the General Assembly of the Commons' Convention (hereinafter simply referred to as the "General Assembly") will be convened as a temporary representative body. This is also a temporary administrative body until the establishment of zonal Commons' Convention in the near future. 

In order to ensure the ability to make quick decisions, the General Assembly will start with a relatively small structure, consisting of a maximum of 200 delegates. Delegates to the General Assembly shall be elected by lottery from pre-revolutionary members of the Commons' Convention, lawyers, and other persons with prescribed professional qualifications, and their term of office shall be one year (re-election is possible).

After the General Assembly adopts the "Revolutionary Declaration" and abolishes the existing constitution, it will elect the "Revolutionary Transition Commission (hereinafter referred to as the Transition Commission)". Although the Transition Commission is truly a temporary revolutionary central organ, its character is similar to that of the current Cabinet. However, in order to avoid "boss politics," the Transition Commission will not have a top position such as a chairperson, and will be run entirely through a collegial system.

The members constituting the Transition Commission (hereinafter referred to as Transition Commissioners) are appointed from among the delegates of the General Assembly by itself for each field of jurisdiction, but their areas of responsibility do not need to correspond to the ministries and agencies of the former government; They are not permanently stationed in ministries and agencies. At this stage, each of the remaining ministries and agencies will have multiple "Transition Commissioner's Deputies" who will be in charge of practical matters under the Transition Commissioners.

The Transition Commission will once assume full power based on the General Assembly's "Revolutionary Declaration" and will govern by special ordinances that have the same effect as laws. This system can be called a "transitional concentration system."

To put it simply, this is a temporary suspension of democracy. But there's no need to fear. In most revolutions, it is inevitable that there will be a period like this during the initial transition period.

By the way, temporary Commons' Convention with similar characteristics will be established in each local area, and a transitional concentration system will be formed in coordination with the General Assembly of the Commons' Convention. The chairperson of the local temporary Commons' Convention will lead the transition process as the de facto local head.


3.3. Difference from "dictatorship of the proletariat"

In Marxist revolutionary theory, the term "dictatorship of the proletariat" has traditionally been defined as a concept that refers to the political system during the transition period after the proletarian revolution until the transition to a communist society, but its contents have been ambiguous. In the end, it was replaced by a "communist dictatorship."

Our transitional cencentation system may be suspected of being a rehash of such a concept, but that is by no means the case. Rather, it is a short-term admistration system that is strictly limited to the transition period. Therefore, there cannot be, and should not be, the arbitrary exercise of power that the word "dictatorship" implies.

However, with the abolition of the existing constitution, constitutional government will be temporarily suspended, and the national representative body still exists only in the form of a provisional General Assembly of the Commons' Convention, so administration based on the law will also be suspended. However, the Transition Commission's special ordinances should be approved by the General Assembly, except for urgent orders (emergency ordinances), to prevent their tyranny.

In any case, such a transitional concentration system can only be a short-term, limited-time system, and needless to say, it is necessary to promote the transition to a constitutional system as soon as possible to prevent it from being unnecessarily prolonged. 

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Esperanto PREFACE     page1   Chapter 1: LIMITATIONS OF CAPITALISM 1. Capitalism has not won the game.  1.1. Meaning of the dissolution of t...